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Denmark’s Approach to Immigration and the Debate on EU’s Asylum and Migration Policy

Marie Sandberg

/ 7 Minuten zu lesen

Denmark’s approach to immigration is getting still more tough, and its opt-out from EU cooperation on justice and home affairs has allowed to deviate from EU immigration and asylum policies.

A warning sign with the inscription “Stop - Kontrol” at the border to Krusa (Denmark) on 02.02.2016. (© picture-alliance/dpa, Lukas Schulze)

Denmark is known as a relatively homogeneous, and egalitarian Scandinavian welfare state. In the past decades, Denmark has moved from a liberal approach toward immigration to a strict immigration regime, while facing increasing flows of immigrants. The nation was one of the first parties to sign the 1951 Geneva Convention, which secured international protection for people facing prosecution or fleeing war. In 1983, the first Aliens Act in Denmark was ratified, known for its liberal approach to refugees. For instance, the act granted the right to family reunification for children and even parents (over the age of 60) of foreign nationals with refugee status or permanent residence permit in Denmark. Denmark was also the first country worldwide to introduce an Integration Act in 1999. However, in the early 2000s and following the ‘2015 European refugee crisis’, attitudes and policies shifted toward a more restrictive migration regime.

In recent decades, the proportion of immigrants and their descendants has increased by more than 10 percentage points, rising from three percent in 1980 to 15.8 percent in 2024. As of January 1, 2024, the total number of immigrants and their descendants in Denmark stands at 943,066 people, representing 16 percent of the total population of 5,977,412 people. Net migration of foreign nationals has decreased from 2017 to 2020. It sharply rose again in 2022 when approximately 30,000 Ukrainians arrived following the beginning of Russia’s full-scale invasion of Ukraine. In 2023, residence permits were granted to 1,343 refugees, accounting for one percent of all residence permits granted in Denmark that year. In 2024, the largest group of immigrants and their descendants originates from Turkey (seven percent), followed by persons from Poland (six percent), Romania (five percent), Syria (five percent) and Ukraine (five percent).

The turn to temporary protection

Since its inception, the 1999 Integration Act has been amended several times, moving toward a stricter approach, particularly since 2015. In 2017, the quota of 500 resettled refugees through UNHCR was put on hold for three consequtive years, and resettlement numbers have significantly declined since 2020. A notable development was the legislative overhaul between 2015 and 2019, which introduced 114 restrictions within the area of integration and immigration policy – an initiative politically termed the “Paradigm Shift”. In 2015, a temporary subsidiary protection status was introduced to the Aliens Act, establishing that all humanitarian residence permits are granted for temporary stay only, making temporary protection the new norm. This shift further implied a greater focus on both the personal responsibility of refugees to provide for their own livelihoods and on the repatriation of refugees.

Migration in the public debate

In Denmark, migration has long been a subject of intense debate. The “Paradigm Shift” has heightened the focus on migration among Danish politicians and decision-makers across the political spectrum. For instance, Danish MPs have criticized migration scholars, accusing them of being activists doing “anti-science”. Among the focal points of recent discussions centering around immigration and forced migration have been revocation cases, particularly involving young Syrian female refugees whose residence permits have not been extended and are now facing deportation to Syria. These women are protected under Article 7.3 of the Aliens Act, which offers weaker protections than those available for their male counterparts at risk of forced military service in Syria. Public opinion and debate are polarized: some argue that revocations are unjust, especially for individuals who have lived and/or studied in Denmark since childhood, while others see it as a necessary measure to reduce the number of foreigners. After the fall of the Assad regime in early December 2024, the Danish Refugee Appeals Board has put ongoing cases regarding Syrian nationals on hold.

The role of the EU’s migration and asylum policy in Denmark

Due to Denmark’s opt-out from EU cooperation on justice and home affairs, the country is not directly obliged by EU immigration and asylum policies, except for the Dublin III and Eurodac regulations. Observers argue, this opt-out from the Common European Asylum System (CEAS) has likely allowed Denmark to deviate from EU asylum legislation in recent years and instead turn to temporary protection and repatriation policies. Denmark took the lead in a joint call from 15 member states to the EU Commission to enhance migration policy outsourcing and tighten migration control, shortly after the New Pact on Migration and Asylum was adopted in May 2024. The letter also proposed “return hub mechanisms” to facilitate the transfer of rejected asylum seekers to third countries, similar to Denmark’s initial plans for externalizing asylum processing to Rwanda. So far, this initiative has led to a Externer Link: Memorandum of Understanding with Rwanda’s government, but no concrete arrangements and actions.

Denmark as a restrictive ‘role model’?

Among the Nordic states, Denmark ranks the lowest in access to family reunification and permanent residence, according to the 2019 EU Migration Policy Index. Denmark currently enforces very strict family reunification rules. The even stricter policies on integration and immigration have spilled over to neighboring countries like Sweden, that are currently drawing inspiration from the “Danish model”. For instance, at the annual meeting of Nordic ministers responsible for migration in August 2024, discussions centered on strengthening cooperation, promoting reintegration and repatriation of refugees, and enhancing security at the EU’s external borders. Similarely, Germany’s recent “Migrationswende” seems to draw inspiration from the Danish Frederiksen II Cabinet (SVM-government) led by the Social Democrats in coalition with the Moderates and the Liberal Party. The increasingly restrictive asylum policies, coupled with a preference for temporary protection and return-focused measures, position Denmark as a new kind of restrictive ‘role model’ in Northern Europe.

The ‘Danish model’

Denmark has tightened its asylum policy since the turn of the millennium, and especially since 2015. The restrictive turn in Danish asylum policy has been cemented in particular in 2019 with a law known as 'paradigm shift'. According to this law, people seeking protection are only granted temporary residence rights instead of a longer-term or permanent perspective to stay in Denmark. There are regular reviews of whether the conditions for protection are still met. As a result, in 2021 alone, 453 Syrian refugees had their asylum status revoked. However, most of them could not be deported from Denmark due to the Syrian civil war raging until December 2024. Instead, they were forced into a precarious situation: They had to stay in removal centers, their rights were severely restricted and they were subject to strict reporting obligations if they wanted to leave these centers temporarily. Some have therefore decided to move on to other EU countries. Denmark is also increasingly insisting that refugees must be financially self-sufficient and returned to their countries of origin as quickly as possible, with integration programs being of secondary importance. In 2019, Denmark was the first European country to declare parts of Syria safe enough to return to.

Denmark was also the first European country to adopt plans to outsource asylum procedures to a non-European third country (Rwanda) in 2021. So far, the Danish government has been reluctant to put these plans into practice. Instead, it supports the outsourcing of asylum procedures to third countries at European level, which is favored by some EU member states.

The 'paradigm shift' in Denmark was made possible by the country's opt-out from the Common European Asylum System (CEAS), which means that it does not have to comply with EU asylum standards. One exception is the Dublin Regulation, which also applies in Denmark.

The paradigm shift briefly contributed to a slight increase in the number of deportations from Denmark. In 2022, the number of deportations fell back below the level of 2017. The number of refugees referred to Danish municipalities was slightly higher in 2022 than in 2019. Overall, 4,475 first-time asylum applications were registered in Denmark in 2022, the highest number since 2016.

Sources

Schwörer, Jakob; Birke Daniels, Kristina 2024. Erfolgsmodell oder Fallgrube? Die dänische sozialdemokratische Partei und ihre Migrationspolitik. Friedrich-Ebert-Stiftung. Externer Link: https://library.fes.de/pdf-files/bueros/stockholm/21030.pdf.

Vedsted-Hansen, Jens 2025. European governance of deterrence and containment. A legal perspective on novelties in European and Danish asylum policy. Journal of Ethnic and Migration Studies, 1-18 [Special issue edited by Sandberg, M., Schultz, J. and K. S. Kohl: The temporary turn in asylum: Researching the politics of deterrence in practice]. Externer Link: https://doi.org/10.1080/1369183X.2024.2441599.

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is Associate Professor in European Ethnology and Director of the Centre for Advanced Migration Studies (AMIS) at the University of Copenhagen. Her current research focuses on the everyday life consequences for refugees and civil society actors following the temporary turn in Danish immigration and integration policy.