Cities in the Making: Contours of the Urbanizing Refugee Camp
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Refugee camps are designed as temporary shelters, yet, in practice, they exist for long periods of time in the course of which urbanization processes set in that may present an opportunity for their inhabitants and environments.
Aerial view of IFO 3, an extension of the Dadaab refugee camp in Kenya, which is one of the largest refugee camps in the world. Refugee camps are
designed as temporary spaces for the reception and protection of refugees. In practice, however, they exist for increasingly long periods of time, especially in the Global South. They accommodate a wide variety of population groups, while humanitarian administration and infrastructure in the camps are expanding. For this reason, refugee camps are also being compared with cities in the making. To speak of urbanization in the context of refugee camps may indicate the longevity and normalization of states of emergency.
Distribution of food vouchers in the Zaatari refugee camp in Jordan. Some camp residents sell the vouchers in order to use the money to buy goods that
are not provided by humanitarian organizations or to realize their own business idea. In this way the food vouchers become part of the camp economy.
License plates from all over the world in Boujdour refugee camp, in Tindouf, Algeria. Even though refugee camps have the function of separating their
inhabitants from the population in the host country – integration is not the goal of camp policies – they are nevertheless in exchange with their environment. They become regionally embedded over time and can thus also contribute to the development of regional economies. More recently, refugee camps have been positioned as places for investment or literally as markets.
In Zaatari refugee camp in Jordan an accommodation container is delivered. Tents and containers symbolize that refugee camps are designed as temporary
facilities and are intended to show that they can be dissolved immediately by a political decision. In practice, however, they often exist for long periods of time. They are appropriated by the residents who, for example, transform the accommodation assigned to them a living space by redesigning it according to their own wishes, norms and ideas of use.
Palestinian refugee camp Ain-el-Hilwe in Sidon, Lebanon. As a result of the founding of the state of Israel in 1948 and the accompanying war of
aggression by the Arab countries Syria, Lebanon, Jordan, Egypt and Iraq, the Suez Crisis in 1956 and the Six-Day War in 1967, many Palestinians fled to Lebanon, among other places. Today, many of their refugee camps can hardly be recognized at first glance as originally set up as temporary facilities. They resemble cities, not least because over the decades tents have been replaced by solid buildings.
In the Jordanian refugee camp Zaatari wedding dresses are offered for sale. This shows: life in the refugee camp does not come to a standstill. People
are born in the camp, grow up there, maybe get married. Some spend their whole life in the camp, die there and are buried there. The exceptional situation becomes normal.
Market place in the Balukhali refugee camp in Cox's Bazaar, Bangladesh. Immediately after the opening of a refugee camp, the inhabitants start to
engage in handicrafts, bartering and entrepreneurship. A camp economy develops which contributes to the feeling of normality - albeit in a humanitarian context. Even though formal employment or trade is illegal in most cases, the informal nature of the camp economy allows for such practices and depends on them.
Empowerment activities for refugee Rohingya women in a refugee camp in Cox's Bazaar, Bangladesh. The camp as a place of social change: In refugee
camps, people from different social backgrounds meet and are confronted with a variety of different ideas about life, world views and practices. This can change traditional cultural norms and ideas. Empowerment programs run by humanitarian organizations, which aim to strengthen the rights of children, women and minorities, contribute to this.
Refugee camps are designed as temporary spaces for refugee reception and protection. In practice, however, they exist for increasingly long durations – particularly in the Global South – and come to accommodate diverse populations and undergo the expansion of the humanitarian administration and infrastructure in the camps. Therefore, they have been compared to cities or cities in the making, with its administration as a form of government rather than humanitarian aid.
Urbanity – Attempt at a Definition
The designation of the camp as a city is ambiguous because the idea of urbanity is ambiguous in itself. Urbanization, or rather the urban, is notoriously difficult to define, yet points at particular processes that characterize diversity and concentration as key elements in understanding the socio-spatial contours of the city.
Traces of Urbanity in Refugee Camps
The camp as a temporary emergency measure over time becomes a site where the above mentioned notions of urbanity materialize as the outcome of evolving humanitarian care and as a more organic and bottom up process of refugees living their everyday lives. As a result camps transcend from emergency measures into much more ambiguous spaces, in terms of economic life, norms and control. This development can be referred to as humanitarian urbanism. Humanitarian urbanism denotes how people make sense of and navigate their lives in a humanitarian setting that has become routine, and that presents both constraints and opportunities.
Camps as accidental cities
Camps exist between the temporary and the permanent,
Below the main characteristics of refugee camp urbanization are highlighted.
The camp as a cluster of facilities and services
Many refugee camps are located in marginal, remote locations, intentionally or by circumstance, i.e., near border crossings where refugees enter countries of asylum, or away from the main inhabited areas as a function of separation. Yet, once becoming subject to humanitarian care or human creativity, different services, facilities, and infrastructure, and the activities and processes that are generated by these, are concentrated in camps. For example, healthcare and hospitals, schools and vocational training centers, communication and transport facilities, sports and entertainment, food and markets, social protection and empowerment programs and so on, can be understood as public services which may even exceed the local equivalent in their host regions. In addition, people that come to inhabit this space bring with them skills, ideas and activities that render the technical camp into a social space. This makes that opportunities arise, especially for those areas that are underdeveloped or for people that come from underdeveloped regions.
The camp as a site of social change
People that become subject to a variety of public services, care, education, and so on, especially when from particular isolated or conservative backgrounds, may become exposed to new and different aspects and ideas of life. Active empowerment programming by humanitarian agencies, coupled with education and rights and entitlements that are advocated and mainstreamed into the organization of the camp, allows for a variation and confrontation of/with cultural norms and regulations. For instance, child rights, women rights and minority rights, among broader human rights programming, make that people are exposed to alternative worldviews and practices. More generally, people of different backgrounds, ages, ethnicities and classes come into contact with each other, aid staff and visitors. New generations are born in protracted camp settings that experience the camp as their home ground, and come to relate to this multiplicity of social forms, norms, and practices, and inhabit these. From various urbanized camps in the world come examples how youth that opted for repatriation would not settle for their home villages, but instead opt for cities, as they were urbanized in exile.
The camp as economy
Almost immediately after camps open, people will start to engage in trade, barter and entrepreneurship. Depending on people’s backgrounds, innovative and creative ways of dealing with camp life are found to supplement official aid handouts and other services. Built on this, processes of social stratification set in and redefine relations in the camp, and between refugees and the camp governors, local authorities or NGOs and the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR). Constitutive of this economic process is aid as a basic resource. Housing, food, and jobs provided as part of the humanitarian program are all used in various ways to sustain livelihoods and for barter. For example, food vouchers or rations are sold and the money is used to purchase goods that are not provided by humanitarian organizations, such as meat, fresh vegetables and cigarettes; shelters are rented out as hired houses or used for business space; bicycles donated for work with one of the agencies can be rented out for use as taxis, and more generally, all kinds of materials are re-used and sold. The informal ways in which people engage in supply, banking, travel, and communication render the economic side of refugee camps more important. Even though in most instances formal employment or trade is illegal, the informal character of the camp economy allows for just this, and is simultaneously dependent on it.
Recent quantitative analyses show how camp economies in presumably isolated areas become regionally embedded over time, to such an extent that they, rather than a burden – as often taken for granted – are beneficial for more regional economies. They can contribute to development of the non-refugee population and region, and are projected as having this potential, as urban centers generally do in terms of the above characteristics.
The camp as hybrid governed place
The camp as a humanitarian governed setting retains a particular humanitarian character for the time being – until a political decision to uncamp is made –, but this becomes more hybrid over time as organically developed processes become routine or even legal. This is the urbanization of the camp in a more political sense. The camp inhabitants' resistance and disobedience with regard to norms and standards established by the entities running the camp lead to the adaptation of camp policies and routines. These negotiation processes alternate between both restraint and initiative, enabling and limiting factors, control and self-reliance.
The material make-up of camps is subject to its mobility. Tents or containers are the ultimate symbol of this as they indicate that – by political decree – the camp can be disbanded in no-time. This make-up, however, is subject to human agency: many camps in the world show how people arrange ways to circumnavigate or resist official camp policies. In camps such as Zaatari in Jordan, Kakuma and Dadaab in Kenya, BidiBidi in Uganda and Domiz in Iraq, among others, people transform their allocated shelters into lived spaces: they plant trees, beautify, make sites more agreeable to their own liking, usability, norms or desires.
The camp as a nodal point
Lastly, as camps are sites of mobility (although they are meant to immobilize human movements), people move in and out of them as part of more elaborate migration trajectories that link camps to other cities, homelands or destinations, in networks of relatives, clans and ethnic affiliation. Camps become nodal points in these trajectories and part of social webs that impact livelihoods, socio-political dynamics and power processes, and how these evolve over time. Remittances from kin that went for third country resettlement elsewhere in the world, or that moved on to somewhere in the region, impact on the livelihoods of those remaining in the camp and may foster more durable trans-local relations which are enabled and facilitated by the internet and mobile phones. This may position camps as sites of transit or opportunity more strongly, and lead to alternative sources of livelihoods, investments and coping strategies for people that find camps as temporary stopping points on their way to other destinations or until a durable solution (repatriation, resettlement, local integration) is found. More symbolically, the longer people live in camps that they inhabit, alter and shape, the more these come to carry the personal histories and experiences of people that grew up, or indeed, died and were buried there. For these reasons, people that moved out of the camp, or relatives of camp inhabitants, visit, relate and aid these sites from abroad.
Refugee camp urbanization and humanitarian urbanism as the new normal?
After the 2015 refugee crisis, as a result of renewed interest in, and urgency for regional solutions to refugee crises, attention has shifted to protracted urbanizing refugee camps as solutions in itself, hereby shaping alternative ways of existence in countries bordering crisis areas.
These outlooks come with new ideas about developing these sites, and making them viable for self-reliance and regional integration by embracing the aim of improving relations between refugees and hosts, i.e. by sharing resources, services, facilities, and land. Thus camps would shift from temporary humanitarian sites to increasingly durable settings that benefit the local economy and population. Certain forms of development in terms of for-profit enterprise, permanent and durable building and design, legal entitlements, external interference by non- humanitarian actors such as the private sector or municipalities are the result of the more organic and accidental urbanization of long-term refugee camps. It shows the inevitability of the camp as a site where humans settle, some for long, some for a little while before they move on, their place to be filled by others, and in which an increasingly elaborate humanitarian governance adapts accordingly.
Dr. Bram J. Jansen is assistant professor at Wageningen University, teaching about and researching refugees and forced migration, protracted refugee situations and humanitarian aid. Email: E-Mail Link: bramj.jansen@wur.nl
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